37. The European Union and the Balkan (2)
15 november 2019
1
15 november 2019
10 november 2019
10 november 2019
4 november 2019
3 november 2019
2 november 2019
1 november 2019
End October 2019 the American House of Representatives recognised the Armenian Genocide. As is well known the Turkish Government denies such Genocide took place.
I do not intend to discuss wether there was a genocide or not; Whether a Turkish government gave the instruction to perform a genocide or not ; Whether the regular Turkish army performed that genocide or was involved ; How many Armenian died during the genocide.
What I want to discuss is the story that the Armenian genocide was the first genocide of the modern times. This is certainly not true. The first systematic ethnic cleansing took place during the liberation wars of Eastern Europe and Greece and during the Russian occupation of Ukrain (the Tatar territories) and the Caucasus. During these wars a lot of Muslims or Turkish speaking people were chased and resettled within the smaller territory of the Ottoman empire, where they sometimes ran into conflict with local populations like e.g. the Armenians. If there was a genocide, it was not a Turkish invention but a Turkish reaction to the ethnic cleansing that took place in Europe and Ukrain in the hundred years of the 19th century when nationalism took the lead in the liberation of the people’s of Europe.
29 oktober 2019
We believe Macron has a point (or many points) :
16 oktober 2019
Last week Turkey invaded Syria to elimate the threat posed by an autonomous Syrian-Kurdish region and to resettle a certain part of its 3,5 million Syrian (?) refugees. Hereby some key points for consideration and central questions.
1°) Turkey says it looks for a solution for its 3,5 million refugees and wants to create a buffer of 30 km in the North of Syria to resettle a part of these refugees. Europe is in a difficult position to condemn Turkey for trying to find such a buffer-zone; in practice Turkey is for the European Union a gigantic buffer zone to settle (=keep) refugees.
2°) One might of course object that the idea to artificially create a border zone of 30 km and to settle people in that area who did not live there before, is a very bad idea. BUT : ARE THERE BETTER IDEAS ? When will the Syrian refugees who are in Turkey OR Europe go back ? Can they actually go back to the Assad-controlled area without the risk of being persecuted ? Does Assad want his Syrians to return ? Here we arrive at the fundamental point that refugees in need should according to many international treaties obtain protection in receiving countries. But there seems no clear agreement on obligations to enable the return of refugees. Already for generations, Palestinians are not allowed to return to Israel. Will we now see a new gulf of permant refugees ; Syrians who will never go back to Syria ?
3°) Trump mentioned that the Kurds did not fight in Normandy (and by exception this time he was correct). But also the Turks did not fight in Normandy and what is more, they did not fight IS in Syria. There were always suspicions that they sympathized more with IS than with the Kurds in Syria. And now suddenly when the war against IS is finished (again, according to Trump – and now he is probably wrong) the Turks invade Syria (what they did not do when the Yezidi’s were slaughtered). And they bring with them what is called “jihadist” groups and we can only wonder who these jihadist groups might be. Is that the remnant of Al-Nusra, a grouping linked to Al Qaida ?
4°) The international press has insufficiently devoted attention to the situation of the Kurds in Turkey. In that respect we can refer already just to the fate of the Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtas, head of the HDP party and imprisoned for already more than two years in Turkey.
14 oktober 2019
An important question which is often asked nowadays is whether our times are a copy of the Thirties. The answer I believe is No for 80% and Yes for 20%.
It is a clear and loud “No” because in the Thirties of the previous century Europeans concluded to exterminate a part of their European population and started to do so.
Today, “right-wing” thinking is mainly concerned about (floods of) immigration, be it from related EU-countries or from outside the EU. The motives why people are reluctant are irrelevant. Essential is that there is a big difference between an ideology that aims at eliminating part of its own population (Thirties) and trying to control the inflow of immigrants (Today).
Overall I believe that the average European would support the following statements :
1°) People who need political asylum should obtain that.
2°) If economic migrants fill needs in our job market, then they are welcome.
3°) Other migrants (than 1 and 2) are not welcome and should be expelled (by force if needed).
4°) Migrants should integrate. This means that they should at least learn the local language.
5°) Migrants should obtain access to the social security systems in a gradual way, linked to the contributions they’ve made to the society in which they are received.
I would not call the sum of these statements right-wing. I believe they are reasonable and fair, even if some of them might even go against certain principles of the European Union when applied to migrants from within the European Union.
But there remains a Yes of 20%. I’m afraid that because leftists quite (too) easily argue that people who are concerned about immigration are fascists or racists, these people might indeed start to search for inspiration in the Thirties.
11 oktober 2019
On 11 October 2019 the Nobel Prize Committee awarded the Nobel Prize for peace to Abiy Ahmed, who is Prime Minister of Ethiopia since April 2018. He received the prize because in his short period as Prime Minister he succeeded in making peace with Eritrea, thereby ending a war that lasted 20 years, and because he initiated liberal reforms in Ethiopia itself.
The case of Abiy Ahmed and of Ethiopia is of great interest to us because now already the comment is made in the press that the liberal democratizing reforms seem to unleash etnical strife which was suppressed under the dictatorship of the military. Oromo and Amhara and other names of tribes might become familiar in the coming months and years.
Ethiopia might become the most recent proof that “plural societies” which democratise, fall apart in many pieces, which was the main proposition of my book “liberal quicksand”. My hart hopes that I’m wrong ; My brain already knows I’m right.
9 oktober 2019
27 september 2019
IN 2012 the Dutch politician-philosopher Thierry Baudet published “The Significance of Borders”. In that book he intended, as the sub-title of the book mentions, to demonstrate “why Representative Government and the Rule of Law Require Nation States”. While I believe that that proposition itself might be correct, the argumentation or “proof” provided by TB is not convincing, even wrong.
But first this. In his preface TB explains that the current mainstream idea that the challenges posed by globalisation require a supra-national response and therefore the abolition or dampening of nation-states, is wrong. Yes, global challenges exist and they require global responses, but these responses will have to be pre-discussed, agreed upon, defended and executed at the level of the nation-state. He calls this “international cooperation on the basis of accountable nation states” sovereign cosmopolitanism. I agree with this sovereign cosmopolitanism and it explains why safeguarding and strenghtening nation-states is essential in order to manage globalization.
Back to our main topic. For Baudet, the Representative Government and the Rule of Law have in common that “the people” have to be represented in respectively a parliament and a Supreme Court. This requirement pre-supposes the existence of a “we”, a coherent mass, a nation. He quotes Paul Scheffer who wrote in 2007 : “Without a ‘we’, it won’t work.”
This reasoning does not convince me at all. The classic liberal democracy is precisely an institutional structure which enables conflicting views and interests to interact and clash. The strength of the liberal democratic model is that it allows diversity to live together. Was there a “we” in the past ? There were Catholics, Protestants, Liberals, Social-Democrats and Communists. In that sense there has never been a “we”. And at least in theory we can simply enrich this system without changing it fundamentally : we can add new branches or pillars next to the existing ones : a green branch, a Muslim branch and a nationalist party. Also the Supreme Courts never represented a “we”. In many cases the decisions by Supreme Courts are transparent about who voted in favour of and who voted against fundamental discussions in society.
Having said this, I do not exclude that our societies need to maintain a minimum of cohesion but I am (certainly at this moment) hesitant to state how much cohesion our societies require. Based on my own book I believe that a minimum level of cohesion requires at least a common language, at least to be able to have a discussion on important items.
In this context I also present the following quote by Paul Morland at the end of a book review (FT of 24AUG2019 – The new demography) :
Evidently, Paul Morland is mistaken. “Relaxed” liberals will not take any initiative because they do not see any problem at all and believe in the self-organising forces in society. The initiative to ensure a minimum level of coherence of society will have to be taken by less “relaxed” people.
24 september 2019
19 september 2019
19 september 2019
17 september 2019
17 september 2019
Francis Fukuyama, well known as the author of “The End of History and the Last Man”, devotes his attention to “Identity” because he notes that identity, as a consequence of the ongoing globalisation, becomes more and more confused while a clear identity is needed to underpin a nation, which is itself required to ensure the functioning of democratic institutions.
It is possible to read this book in a very efficient way and to go directly to chapter 14 (the last one) with the title”What is to be done ?” If you do this you will miss how the meaning of identity changed over time, from Catholicism to Luther, to Kant, to Rousseau, and so on, but you will have more time to consider the relevant statements FF makes about the problem of identity in our times, both in the USA and in Europe. Essential is, according to FF that at the basis of identity resides “dignity”; The search for identity is a search for Dignity (thymos). Hereafter I only focus on chapter 14.
FF sees currently three main ways identity is clarified (dignity is obtained).
The more traditional liberal one in which individuals are free to express their individuality and are not hindered by the state.
Next to this interpretation he notes that some groups, define their identity in function of ethnic background, race or religion. This leads to potentially illiberal forms of nationalism and politically organized religion (e.g. Islamism).
A third way to deal with identity is the leftist approach which supports different smaller groups of under-evaluated people, and glorifies diversity as such. FF is definitely not happy with this leftist approach : First, diversity is itself no “Creed” and FF is convinced of the need to have a Creed, a joint moral platform as a basis for the nation; Second, because the Left rejects the Creed of the superiority of the foundations of the System of Liberal Democracy ; Third, because they no longer support their initial public, the workers.
Therefore, according to FF there is a need to propagate the essence of the Creedal message to all involved. This must be the glue that holds the unavoidable diversity together. I believe that this Creedal element is similar if not equal to Bassam Tibi’s concept of “Leitkultur”. In both cases the Creed/Leitkultur will propagate the essence of Liberal Democracy and ideals like Freedom and Equality. And while the right-wing refuses newcomers and the leftists claim open borders, FF stresses the need to make a difference between citizen, documented immigrant and undocumented immigrant and states that the real focus of all, both left and right should be “on strategies for better assimilating immigrants to a country’s Creedal identity.” (p. 171)
FF makes separate recommendations for the European Union and for the United States. Hereafter we follow this logic :
The European Unit should:
> create a “single citizenship whose requirements would be based on adherence to basic liberal democratic principles” ;
> invest in a European Identity “through the creation of the appropriate symbols and narratives”;
> better controls its borders by a better staffing of Frontex, the border control unit.
Individual member states :
> who base citizenship on ius sanguinis should introduce a citizenship based on ius solis;
> should reject dual citizenship;
> should deconstruct their systems of pillarization (as exists in Holland and Belgium);
The United States on the other hand :
> has already a Creedal identity but this identity is under attack by both the Left and the Right;
> has a system to teach “basic civics” but this is in long term decline;
> has installed different educational programs which aim to speed up the acquisition of English but have led by now to the creation of “constituencies of their own” with their own bureaucracies;
> should hold on to the meaningful distinctions between citizens and non-citizens and between documented and not-documented non-citizens;
> should consider the introduction of a national service as a requirement to obtain the nationality;
> should continue its enforcement policies, but a Wall is not needed to ensure enforcement. What is required is a national identification system that would allow employers to verify the citizen-status of the employees;
> should set-up a path to citizenship for undocumted persons;
> should devote more attention to social policies.
17 september 2019
17 september 2019